We’re at a watershed moment in American political history. Our Congress — I’m talking about the people’s body, the institution created by our founders, and not just the men and women who currently inhabit it — is in deep trouble. And no one seems to be offering hope. Its public standing is abysmal, occasionally dropping […]
We’re at a watershed moment in American political history. Our Congress — I’m talking about the people’s body, the institution created by our founders, and not just the men and women who currently inhabit it — is in deep trouble. And no one seems to be offering hope.
Its public standing is abysmal, occasionally dropping into the single digits in polling. Very few people seem to respect it, even on Capitol Hill. And just as worrisome, power is shifting decisively to the president. The “balance of power” you read about in 7th-grade civics? It’s a myth today. Co-equal branches? Not anymore.
Here’s what may be the most discouraging thing of all: there was a time when Congressional leaders would forcefully defend the Congress. They don’t even bother to do that anymore.
To ponder what we can do about it is to confront a long list of daunting challenges. For starters, Congressional leaders have abandoned two centuries of precedent, a traditional set of norms, customs, and procedures that allowed a body representing the complexities of the entire country to arrive at policy solutions that by and large spoke to the public good.
We’re saddled with a Congress that affords special-interest groups far too much power. Ordinary citizens have lost influence in the process. And the body itself has become polarized, which means that the decisions it makes are more extreme.
Congress has largely rejected its oversight responsibilities, which ought to carry a weight equal to legislating — and which put it on a par with the executive branch. It uses the subpoena power rarely, grills administration and other witnesses only occasionally, and even more rarely holds the executive branch accountable.
You can take the agenda for reform from this depressing litany. Congressional leaders need to stop manipulating the process and let members vote on the tough issues of the day. Finding ways to stem the tidal wave of money and favors is crucial. So are ending gerrymandering and tamping down the politics of polarization. Congress needs to reassert the authority given it by the Constitution to serve as a check on executive overreach and misguided policymaking.
Americans have a right to be disappointed in the performance of the legislative branch. But they also have an obligation to speak up about it and demand action not just on a favored bill, but on improving the effectiveness of the Congress itself.
Lee Hamilton is a senior advisor for the Indiana University (IU) Center on Representative Government, distinguished scholar at the IU School of Global and International Studies, and professor of practice at the IU School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Hamilton, a Democrat, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for 34 years, representing a district in south central Indiana.