[Recently], I was speaking to a group of students and decided to start with a point-blank question: Is Congress doing a good job? About 100 people were in the room, and not a single one raised his or her hand. So, I asked the question a different way: Is Congress nearly or completely dysfunctional? Most […]
[Recently], I was speaking to a group of students and decided to start with a point-blank question: Is Congress doing a good job? About 100 people were in the room, and not a single one raised his or her hand.
So, I asked the question a different way: Is Congress nearly or completely dysfunctional? Most hands went up.
These were not experts, of course. They were simply reflecting a broad public consensus that things are not working well on Capitol Hill. But they weren’t wrong, either. Things aren’t working well in Congress.
I can tick off the problems, and so can you. Congress doesn’t follow good process. It seems to have lost the ability to legislate. It’s too polarized and partisan. It’s dominated by political game-playing, and by the undue influence of money. It defers too readily to the president. Routine matters get bottled up. Its output is low, and it simply cannot pass a budget on time.
In fact, there’s a lot it can’t get done: Congress can’t repair or replace Obamacare, it can’t take action on climate change, it can’t find its way to the grand bargain on fiscal reform that everyone wants, it can’t develop an education policy, it’s unable to address our cybersecurity needs, strengthen gun laws, or mitigate extreme inequality.
To be sure, there are things that members of Congress do pretty well. They serve their constituents and are superb at reflecting their constituents’ views. Most are accessible, they understand what their constituents want, they’re adept at aligning themselves with their home districts or states, and equally skilled at separating themselves from Congress as a whole. They know how to make themselves look good and the legislative institution they serve look bad.
They’re also people of integrity and talent who want to advance the national interest as they understand it. They’re willing to work exhausting hours in an agitated, dysfunctional political environment. It’s frustrating to look out over Congress and see so many talented, well-meaning people who struggle to make the institution work well.
So what should they do, then? What are the paths that will lead Congress back to relevance, effectiveness, and higher standing in public opinion?
First, it needs to step up to its constitutional responsibilities. The Founders placed Congress first in the Constitution for a reason: it’s not just a co-equal branch, it’s the branch that most thoroughly represents the will and desires of the American people. Yet over the years, Congress has kept ceding power to the president.
The Constitution explicitly gives Congress the power to declare war, yet military intervention is now the president’s choice. Congress — and the House of Representatives specifically — is supposed to take the initiative in producing a budget, but it’s been many years since it exercised that power. Instead, the president submits a budget and Congress reacts.
Up and down the line, in fact, the president sets the agenda and then Congress responds to his proposals. It’s pretty hard to identify a Congressional initiative within recent memory.
And, Congress doesn’t just defer to the president. It leaves regulatory decisions to federal agencies, with very little oversight. It yields economic power to the Federal Reserve. Congress has also allowed the Supreme Court to become a central policymaking body on issues from campaign finance to affirmative action to environmental regulation.
And though recent stirrings of independence among both Democrats and Republicans on Capitol Hill are heartening, they’re just that: stirrings. Congress hasn’t come close to being a co-equal branch of government for a long time. So the first step toward reforming itself is to determine to become one.
In order to do so, however, it needs to attend to some serious internal housekeeping, from rehabilitating the way it goes about legislating to restoring the bedrock principles of good legislating, including negotiation and compromise. In my next commentary, I’ll address those needs in greater detail.
Lee Hamilton is a senior advisor for the Indiana University (IU) Center on Representative Government, distinguished scholar at the IU School of Global and International Studies, and professor of practice at the IU School of Public and Environmental Affairs. Hamilton, a Democrat, was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives for 34 years, representing a district in south central Indiana.